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Two years later where do we stand? January 28, 2009

Posted by Ricardo Morris in Politics, Uncategorized.
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The urge to scream at the way Fiji has fared in the past two years under military rule, culminating in the tragedy of the messy response to the recent floods, has prompted me to revive Dateline Dispatch. Attempting to keep your head above water during trying times, let alone blog sanely about it, can be a challenge. Yet it is something that should be done. More voices of reason must be raised even if the spectre of a recalcitrant military hangs over any of these dissenting voices.

In the first post in more than 16 months, is news that the Pacific Islands Forum leaders have given the Fiji regime led by Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama until May 1 this year to nominate an election date – a date which should fall within this year.

The strongly-worded communiqué issued at the end of the special retreat in Port Moresby at which Forum leaders considered the question of Fiji, came as Bainimarama declined to attend on the basis of his overseeing the disaster relief effort at home.

The disaster couldn’t have come at a worse time for Fiji. As a state, Fiji found itself increasingly isolated even from its brother-nations within the Pacific Islands Forum. Yet it now needs all the help it can, not only to recover from this disaster but also with preparation for an election.

If Bainimarama fails to name an election date before May 1, Fiji could find itself becoming the first Forum member country – and a founding member – to be suspended. The ramifications of such as move by the Forum leaders need not be spelled out. Quite apart from the economic effects already taking its toll, it could mean a prolonged period of military-backed rule. And if the regime’s own statements are anything to go by, that is what most likely will happen. The military are desperate to rearrange the political framework before it will allow itself (so it says) to hand back power to a civilian government.

Fiji Television showed footage of Bainimarama addressing troops at Queen Elizabeth Barracks on Monday. Ominously, Bainimarama was emphatic that electoral laws would be changed during the military’s reign – even if it took 10 years.

And there’s the catch. Constitutional lawyers insist that the Constitution cannot be changed without the sanction of an elected parliament. Yet the military, no doubt buoyed by the October ruling of the High Court which legitimised the President’s actions since the military seized power on December 5, 2006, are adamant they can change constitutionally-entrenched laws through presidential decrees.

History shows all too well that once military officers have seized power, even in the name of cleaning up corruption, they are very reluctant to hand that power back any time soon. Case in point, Pakistan. General Pervez Musharraf staged a bloodless coup in 1999 against the government of Nawaz Sharif and promptly styled himself “chief executive” of Pakistan with a view to “politically restructure” that country. In 2001 he appointed himself president and remained in power for a further sevens years. He only resigned from the post in August last year under pressure of impeachment by a morally strengthened legislature.

And despite all the appearances, the civilians in the interim government contend the military is not running the show. “We are not a military regime … we are a valid interim Government,” interim Attorney-General Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum insisted to TVNZ following the Port Moresby meeting.

In the same interview Sayed-Khaiyum confirmed what Bainimarama had said a day earlier. The interim Attorney-General said an election would only be held once all the political players have agreed on electoral reform. Which brings us back to the issue of legality.

But there’s no point reiterating it since the regime’s top legal adviser seems to have it all worked out. The fact that Fiji has had four coups over the past two decades, he told TVNZ, was “precisely the point”.

“The reason why we’ve had these interruptions to democratic parliamentary governance has been that the system has not been working and that is a fundamental principle people seem to neglect.”

Extrapolating from this logic, it follows that you’ve had coups because the system was broken, therefore to fix the system you stage another coup, which should then fix the system which the previous coups broke.

Get it?

I don’t.

PS: One of the original reasons for the 2006 coup has been all but forgotten. The big promises of exposing the alleged far-reaching corruption of the ousted government has been a disappointment. Although several prominent people have been charged with abuse of office, including ousted Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase himself, none of the allegations are as explosive as Bainimarama made it out to be in December 2006.

Forum leaders give Fiji ultimatum January 28, 2009

Posted by Ricardo Morris in Pacific Islands Forum, Politics.
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The following is a statement issued after the end of the special Pacific Islands Forum leaders’ retreat in Port Moresby on Tuesday to consider the question of Fiji. The leaders have given Suva an ultimatum to name an election date by May 1 – and that date must fall within this year. Failing that, sanctions under the Biketawa Declaration will be activated, including for the first time in Forum history the suspension of a member country – and a founding member country at that.

Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea

27 January 2009

LEADERS’ DECISIONS

Heads of State and Government of Australia, the Cook Islands, Kiribati, Nauru, New Zealand, Niue, Papua New Guinea, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Tonga, Tuvalu and Vanuatu; and representatives of Federated States of Micronesia, Fiji and Palau; met in Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea on 27 January 2009 to discuss the situation in Fiji. Leaders noted the apologies received from the Republic of the Marshall Islands for its inability to attend due to circumstances beyond its control.

2. Leaders expressed their thanks to the Government and people of Papua New Guinea for their warm hospitality and generous hosting of the meeting, and the excellent arrangements made for the Retreat.

3. Leaders:

(a) Reiterated the condemnation expressed by them in the Niue Communiqué of the failure of the Fiji Interim Government to demonstrate the necessary political will to fulfil the undertaking made to Forum Leaders in 2007 that it would hold parliamentary elections by March 2009;

(b) Noted and acknowledged the steps taken by the Fiji Interim Government towards re-engagement with the Forum since the Leaders’ Meeting in Niue, including the reconvening of the Forum-Fiji Joint Working Group, and the second visit of the Ministerial Contact Group; but expressed serious concern at the continuing lack of practical preparations for holding elections;

(c) Stated that more than two years of rule by an unelected military government, with no clear timetable for the return of constitutional government to the people, is not acceptable by international standards including those embraced by all Forum members and enshrined in the Biketawa Declaration, and emphasised the need to restore democracy without further delay;

(d) Reaffirmed that there are long-term issues that need to be addressed in Fiji, including through independent and inclusive political dialogue; but that such dialogue must be primarily focused on the holding of elections. The dialogue process should not be the cause for further delay in holding elections;

(e) Called on the Interim Government to take the following actions to demonstrate its commitment to the restoration of parliamentary democracy in Fiji:

(i) provide to Forum Leaders a new timetable agreed with all key political stakeholders, specifying in detail the agreed steps to elections and a return to democracy, and the timing for completing them, reflecting a consensus reached through a genuine, open, inclusive dialogue without threats, preconditions, ultimatums or predetermined outcomes;

(ii) make a clear commitment that any reforms agreed through political dialogue will be implemented in accordance with the Constitution and laws of Fiji;

(iii) undertake and sustain serious and credible election preparations, including allocation of necessary resources to the Office of the Supervisor of Elections, and the prompt preparation of the electoral roll; and

(iv) make a renewed commitment that the military will withdraw from civilian politics following such an election, return to barracks, and submit to the authority of the elected civilian government in accordance with the Constitution;

(f) Agreed, subject to progressing the actions specified at sub-paragraph (e) above, to positively consider providing prompt financial and technical assistance to the President’s Political Dialogue Forum; in recognition of the value of independent and inclusive dialogue as a long-term process to assist in resolving broader issues in Fiji. The specifics of such assistance would be determined in close consultation with the Commonwealth Secretariat and the United Nations;

(g) Reaffirmed the ongoing readiness of Forum members to continue to assist Fiji with preparations for an election, and called on the relevant authorities in Fiji to cooperate fully with Forum members and other donors to expedite such assistance;

(h) Agreed, in furtherance of Forum members’ collective commitment to the fundamental principles enshrined in the Biketawa Declaration, to the imposition of “targeted measures” under paragraph 2(iv) of the Biketawa Declaration in relation to Fiji to take effect unless:

(i) the Fiji Interim Government nominates an election date by 1 May 2009;

(ii) that election is held by the end of December 2009; and

(iii) the actions in paragraph (e) above are taken and publicly declared by 1 May 2009.

(i) Agreed that such targeted measures will comprise the following:

(i) suspension of participation by the Leader, Ministers and officials of the Fiji Interim Government in all Forum meetings and events; and

(ii) ineligibility of the Fiji Interim Government to benefit from Forum regional cooperation initiatives, and new financial and technical assistance, other than assistance toward the restoration of democracy under the framework of the Biketawa Declaration;

(j) Agreed that the targeted measures, if imposed, will remain in place until such time as a democratically elected, civilian parliamentary government is restored in Fiji;

(k) Tasked the Ministerial Contact Group with continued monitoring of the Fiji situation, within the framework of Leaders’ decisions, including in relation to the assessment of the Fiji Interim Government’s compliance with sub-paragraph (e) above, and directed it to report further to Leaders as required and in any case before their 2009 annual meeting in Australia. Such reporting could, if necessary, recommend the partial relaxation of existing measures, or, alternatively, the adoption of further measures, which might include full suspension of Fiji’s membership in the Forum; and

(l) Called on the international community to support the measures outlined above by taking complementary actions to encourage the prompt restoration of elected constitutional government in Fiji.

4. Leaders considered that the timelines specified in these decisions are consistent with the position stated to Forum Leaders by the representative of the Fiji Interim Government on a timetable for the return to democracy.

Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea

27 January 2009

Promise broken, says EU September 7, 2007

Posted by Ricardo Morris in Politics.
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The European Union today said Fiji’s military-led regime had broken its promise when it re-imposed a state of emergency yesterday.

The full statement from the EU’s Pacific headquarters in Suva follows:

EU STATEMENT ON THE REACTIVATION OF FIJI’S PUBLIC EMERGENCY REGULATIONS 2007

The European Union is concerned about the re-invocation of the Public Emergency Regulations in Fiji on 6 September, 2007.

This re-invocation, and the measures associated with it, appear to be in contravention of Commitment no. 2 under Section 3 of the list of commitments the Interim Government made to the European Union in Brussels on 18 April, as part of the consultations under Article 96 of the ACP-EU Partnership Agreement.

In the European Union’s assessment, it is not apparent which threats to national security, public order and safety exist to justify such a drastic measure as bringing back the Public Emergency Regulations.

The Council of the European Union meets in Brussels today, Friday 7 September. The political situation in Fiji will be on the agenda. (END)

Regime plays down emergency September 7, 2007

Posted by Ricardo Morris in Politics.
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[The following dispatch was filed for Pacific Magazine Online.]

Fiji‘s military junta played down the international repercussions of the state of emergency it declared today, saying it was only a “precautionary measure” aimed at ousted Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase.

The public emergency regulations imposed yesterday, and which are in effect for 30 days, effectively bans Qarase and his party officials from making public comments but the interim regime was vague on exactly how Qarase was a “threat to national security.” month exile on his home island of Vanuabalavu in eastern Fiji.

In a news conference yesterday to announce the move, interim Attorney-General Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum described the reason as Qarase’s “comments, rhetoric and intentions.”

(more…)

Academic awarded $250,000 for army torture September 7, 2007

Posted by Ricardo Morris in In Court.
29 comments
[The following dispatch was filed for Pacific Magazine Online.]

Academic Anirudh Singh has been awarded $250,000 in compensation by the High Court in Suva for his kidnap and torture by soldiers in 1990.

Justice Roger Coventry handed down judgment against the Fiji Military Forces on Wednesday bringing Singh’s 14-year legal battle to a close.

And Justice Coventry said he had set a substantial sum in damages to send a signal to the disciplined forces that it would punish illegal behaviour by serving officers.

Justice Coventry awarded Singh, a chemistry lecturer at the University of the South Pacific in Suva, $75,000 in damages for pain and suffering, $75,000 in special damages for the setback to his career and $100,000 in exemplary damages for the actions of the five soldiers, four of whom are still employed by the Fiji Military Forces.

He also awarded compounding interest at 5 percent backdated to when Singh filed his claim on June 25, 1993.

Singh was abducted on October 24, 1990 by soldiers of the then Special Operations Security Unit, an anti-dissent intelligence unit set up following Lt-Col Sitiveni Rabuka’s coup in 1987.

(more…)

Imrana Jalal on departure blacklist September 7, 2007

Posted by Ricardo Morris in Liberties.
6 comments

Prominent human rights lawyer Patricia Imrana Jalal was prevented from leaving the country last week despite holding a diplomatic passport, Dateline Dispatch can confirm.

Jalal was to have boarded a flight to Tonga on August 27 but was stopped at immigration in Nadi.

Jalal has been an outspoken critic of the military junta. She serves as a human rights advisor to the United Nations Development Program and as a member of the International Commission of Jurists, a body of sixty eminent judges and lawyers, to which she was elected in May 2006.

She is the Human Rights Adviser at the Pacific Regional Rights Resource Team (RRRT) in Suva.

Jalal was travelling on a United Nations diplomatic passport. UN officials negotiated with representatives of the military-led regime and she was allowed to fly out the next day.

Junta brings back emergency September 6, 2007

Posted by Ricardo Morris in Politics.
256 comments
[The following  dispatch was filed for Pacific Magazine Online.]

Fiji’s military junta this afternoon re-imposed a state of emergency following the return of ousted Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase from exile on Vanuabalavu Island in the Lau Group.

Qarase had been banished from the capital by the military after it seized power on Dec. 6. 2006.

Army chief and interim prime minister Voreqe Bainimarama confirmed to local radio his regime had invoked the Public Emergency Regulations because of Qarase’s comments.

An official in the Department of Information said the regulations were invoked effective from midday today local time.

Bainimarama said Qarase was “interfering” in the running of the country and was hampering its eventual return to democracy through his statements.

Qarase has been critical of the regime’s claims to be cleaning out corruption since he returned last Saturday.

Bainimarama also singled out a senior official in Qarase’s Soqosoqo Duavata ni Lewenivanua party, Peceli Kinivuwai.

Kinivuwai, the party’s national director, has also been vocal in his criticism of the regime.

“It (emergency) was invoked specifically for these two,” Bainimarama told Legend FM.

Under the regulations, any statement or act deemed a “threat to national security” could see the arrest of the person responsible.

Bainimarama has also threatened to send Qarase and Kinivuwai on a flight back to Vanuabalavu.

He added if that happens “they will be there for a very long time.”

The emergency regulations were imposed immediately after Bainimarama seized power and were lifted in at the beginning of June as one of the pre-conditions for securing continued European Union funding.

Interim Attorney-General Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum is scheduled to host a news conference at 4pm (local time) in which he will outline the interim regime’s decision to bring back the state of emergency.

Judicial meltdown? September 4, 2007

Posted by Ricardo Morris in Judiciary.
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What does it mean when six judges resign as a group from the bench of the Fiji Court of Appeal?

The six judges are: Justices Ian Barker, Anthony Ford, Bruce McPherson, Peter Penlington, Robert Smellie and Sir Thomas Eichelbaum.

In a statement issued on Monday by Justice Thomas Eichelbaum, the judges said Acting Chief Justice Anthony Gates (appointed following the coup) had taken the administration of the court out of their hands, Fiji Times Online reported.

Justice Thomas said Justice Gates had not consulted them about the sittings held last week and had not even had the courtesy to ask about their availability.

“As it was apparent to the judges that their services were no longer wanted, they had decided the appropriate course was to resign,” the statement read.

“They had served Fiji to the best of their ability, in most cases for many years, and they regretted that a connection they all valued should end in this way.”

Justice Gates put a brave face on the resignations. The Fiji Times Online quoted him as saying: “We must respect their decisions and they are to be thanked for the past service they have rendered to Fiji.

“I am confident that the Bar and the public will be well served by the appellate courts in the months and years ahead.”

The resignations come on the heels of a legal challenge launched by Chief Justice Daniel Fatiaki against his suspension from office.

Fatiaki has named President Ratu Josefa Iloilo, Bainimarama, interim Attorney-General Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum, Justice Gates and 11 others, including newly-appointed judges and magistrates in his lawsuit.

He is challenging the legality of the Judicial Services Commission decision, which met in his absence and recommended in his suspension following the military coup.

He is also challenging new judicial appointments made since his suspension.

A coup by any other name September 4, 2007

Posted by Ricardo Morris in Politics.
2 comments

By now it’s old news that the Fiji Human Rights Commission – or to be more accurate, its director – has released another pro-coup report.

But the absurdity of the report (released on August 29), which presents FHRC director Dr Shaista Shameem’s findings on whether ousted Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase’s human rights were violated, deserves a mention.

In fact, not only is the report – the second – unabashedly supportive of the military-led regime, Shameem also makes a stunning revelation, something no serious analyst has ever put forward.

After thoroughly analysing the events of December 5, 2006 (and May 14, 1987, September 28, 1987 and May 19, 2000) she’s concluded that it was not a coup.

Fiji, according to Shameem, has had not four but just one coup. The only true coup Fiji has endured was that by Sitivieni Rabuka in September 1987 when he declared Fiji a republic, according to her “legal” analysis. How strange because by all accounts the September 1987 coup was the least traumatic.

Shameem is at pains to make the point that Voreqe Bainimarama’s 2006 coup was actually at President Ratu Josefa Iloilo’s direction in the “public good”.

Legend FM News reported in the days after Shameem released her report that she was advising those critical of it to “get a good lawyer to help them understand it.”

That was the height of arrogance to imply that it required lawyers to truly understand what she had written. It’s not the language that’s hard to follow – it’s the logic.

The report talks of the President’s “reserve powers” or “presidential prerogative” and how he used those powers on December 5 to authorise Bainimarama to remove Laisenia Qarase’s government.

That the President has these powers is not in dispute. It’s the way Shameem tries to imply that the coup was not actually Bainimarama’s doing but that of the aging President exercising his sovereign power.

But as the whole world knows, Bainimarama had been advertising his threat of a coup for years previously and began escalating his threats – and creating an impression of a crisis – in the second half of 2006 before finally acting on his threat.

So to now say that it was actually the President who recommended the removal of Qarase’s government because he allegedly had not been kept in the loop on matters of government, is far-fetched.

She tries to make out that the President had been struggling over the “constitutional dilemmas” created by the military’s threat.

“Our own investigations revealed that the President was confronted with a number of constitutional dilemmas as he attempted to steer the country through a turbulent political period. In the process, the office of the President came under great strain…”

She writes: “Finally, on the morning of December 5th the Prime Minister refused point blank to attend a meeting with the President when called to do so.” Actually, it’s a matter of public record that Qarase was on his way to see the President but was ordered by soldiers to get out of his vehicle and walk from the gates up to Government House, which he refused to do. That was not a refusal “point blank” but a refusal to be treated in an undignified manner.

The report goes on to say:

“Subsequent to these series of events, the President reportedly sought a number of opinions regarding the dismissal of the Prime Minister for breaches of the Constitution. The President appears to have contemplated these opinions in private for some time on the morning of December 5th. An hour or so later, the RFMF Commander visited the President and a decision to remove the Prime Minister was reportedly made. Shortly afterwards this decision was executed by the Commander who announced to the public at 6pm that evening that he had ‘stepped into the President’s shoes…’ …

The Commander of the RFMF ‘stepped into the President’s shoes’ to remove the Prime Minister and do what the President himself was prevented from doing.”

I’m curious: if the President was really in control and grappling with his “reserve powers” on the morning of December 5 why then did he not make a broadcast from Government House to reassure the nation that he was in control? Why did he not inform the nation of what was happening if he really was the sovereign head of state?

Why did he not speak then and why was he incommunicado for the entire time Bainimarama was president until January 5, when he handed “power” back to Ratu Iloilo who then read a speech, no doubt written by the military’s speechwriters, praising the military and blessing its takeover?

Meanwhile, Shameem being a lawyer should have known better than to comment on a case that’s already before the courts – sub judice as the lawyers say.

She makes the extraordinary assertion that the courts – and Fiji’s people – had no right to question the President’s decision to support the overthrow of the government:

“Whether or not the President employed the right approach in exercising sovereign power in December 2006 is not for the courts, nor the people of Fiji, to judge. The constitutional and conventional power of prerogative was provided to the President as Head of State to make his own judgment in this regard, and the specific justification for them cannot be investigated by the courts.”

Oh and by the way, she found that Qarase’s human rights had not been violated. Not when he was surrounded by soldiers in his home in Suva as the military seized power, not when he was forced to flee to his home island of Vanuabalavu and not when he was prevented for months on end from returning to Suva (until last Saturday).

It’s sad that Shameem is using what must now be dwindling FHRC funds to set up inquiries (the completed one-man media inquiry and the ongoing 2006 election inquiry) and spend time writing reports that try to legally justify the overthrow of an elected government.

What about the two deaths in military custody of civilians? If the FHRC was truly independent it would be calling on the authorities to bring to justice those responsible for Nimilote Verebasaga’s death in January Sakiusa Rabaka’s death in February.

It doesn’t seem right that while the policemen allegedly responsible for Tevita Malasebe’s death in June have already been charged and appeared in court, the two deaths that occurred months earlier at the hands of the military remain unresolved.

What this says to me is that soldiers are protected from prosecution while everyone else – policemen included – will certainly have their day in court.

I leave you with a line from letter to the editor, written by an Andy Rooney from Oregon in the US, printed in the Fiji Times on Saturday, September 1.

“When it walks like a duck, quacks like a duck, it’s a duck no matter what sort of spin the spin doctor (Dr Shaista Shameem) puts on it.”

 

  • To read Dr Shaista Shameem’s extraordinary report for yourself, go here.

State of the nation? August 31, 2007

Posted by Ricardo Morris in Odds & Ends, Politics.
2 comments

Fiji Television had a gem of an item on Thursday’s news. It broadcast images of the national flag flying upside down atop the Home Affairs Building – from where interim Prime Minister Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama excises his military-backed power.

The station said the flag flew upside down for two-and-a-half hours. 1 National News said: “Call it a sign of the times or perhaps, just a bad mistake.” Either way, officials only realised the mistake when Fiji TV called them to let them know – and then filmed a soldier as he corrected it.

Interestingly, Bainimarama, being a naval man would understand immediately the significance of an upside down flag. In early days, an upside down ensign was generally one way to signal that a ship was in distress.

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